Federative Republic of Brazil - A Consensualist Democracy or not? - eBook
First, that elections provide critical information for shaping behavior, since in the second and third rounds, party elites and voters behaved in ways that were rational considering the outcome of the previous election. Second, on the whole, states have adopted a variety of systems and rarely changed them in major ways after the second round of elections, indicating that electoral systems quickly become constraining institutions. Where they have been changed, movement has been away from the extremes of either high disproportionality or proportionality.
Third, results from the first three rounds of elections indicate declines in party system fragmentation, disproportionality volatility, and wasted votes, indicating a growth in strategic voting. Finally, except in the very important case of party volatility, and Russia, the view that there is a generalized gap between the post-Soviet cases and the East European cases is not supported by the evidence. Title Ideologues or Pragmatists?
Left-Wing Populism and Anti-Establishment Politics
As a consequence, the voter may fare better with an ideologue than with a pragmatist. While frequently dismissed as simply an indicator of a weak parties, switching provides a unique window on party systems. To the extent that we understand affiliation decisions, we gain insight on the way politicians use parties to advance their careers. In this article I offer a model of party-membership patterns, where decisions to switch party or to stay put are a function of the strategic interaction of legislators and endogenous party leaders.
I test the model on the case of Brazil, where switching is common. Results suggest that Brazilian legislators use parties to maximize pork, ideological consistency, and short-term electoral success, but which of these matters most depends on constituents, i.
The approach developed here could easily be applied to study legislative behavior in other political systems. About one-third of deputies change party during each four year term; some change as many as seven times.unserdiosio.gq
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Such volatility challenges basic concepts of representation — if legislators change their policy positions to accommodate their new party, they violate the basic utility of party labels for electoral information cost reduction. This research has an additional utility. Legislative scholars agree that political parties are important parts of modern democracy, but roll-call based measures of party influence cannot separate out the influence of legislators own preferences and party directives. I find significant and consistent party effects on legislative behavior, even when controlling for executive influence.
Using Polish survey data on respondents voting behaviour in elections of , , , and , I present evidence on the significance of social class for voting behaviour. Results of log-linear analysis show that class membership does indeed exert a significant impact on voting behaviour. Although it changed across the time, it appeared no less in than in Also the patterns of this association which class votes which party remained unchanged. On the whole our evidence suggests that in Poland a new dimension of social stratification-that which is referred in sociological literature as class politics-has emerged.
At the same time, claims for the class basis of voting in Poland should not be exaggerated, as the class-vote link in Poland is much lower than in most of the Western societies. To estimate the relative strength of this association I compared it across 17 countries using data from the European Social Survey We show that when parties are office motivated the voting rule should encourage parties to collect information.
Voting rules that focus on the opposition party sometimes dominate voting rules that focus on the incumbent party. When parties are policy motivated, they also have to be motivated to select good policies. Generally, it is easier to stimulate policy motivated parties than office motivated parties to collect information.
Title Bailout for sale? The paper introduces heterogeneity of congressional districts into the common agency problem in special interest politics. An empirical analysis examines legislative voting on the initial bailout proposal, using campaign contributions to legislators from special interest groups and the importance of financial services for employment within congressional districts as the main explanatory variables.
The empirical analysis corrects for possible endogeneity bias, using valid instruments, and considers several intuitive sub-sample estimations as alternative methods for addressing the endogeneity issue. The paper provides empirical evidence that campaign contributions from the financial services sector influenced legislative voting on the banking bailout. Downs treats this differently than do other students of politics.
His explanations are systematically related to, and deducible from, precisely stated assumptions about the motivations that attend the decisions of voters and parties and the environment in which they act. He is consciously concerned with the economy in explanation, that is, with attempting to account for phenomena in terms of a very limited number of facts and postulates.
He is concerned also with the central features of party politics in any democratic state, not with that in the United States or any other single country. Duch Volume 95 Issue 4 Pages Publication American Political Science Review Date Abstract I argue that information and trust in nascent democratic institutions are two important sources of heterogeneity in economic voting in transition democracies. Economic voting develops in postcommunist electorates as ambiguity regarding the link between government policy and economic outcomes declines.
The link becomes less ambiguous as citizens become more informed about how democratic institutions function and gain increasing confidence or trust in the responsiveness of these institutions to public preferences. In the early period of democratization the conditions necessary for an effective agency relationship between voter and incumbent are not yet fully developed.
Economic voting increases as these levels of information on, and trust in, government rise. The analysis that tests these propositions is based on a public opinion survey conducted in Hungary in The test is replicated with a Polish election survey. Duch Author R. In each period a challenger with privately known preferences is randomly drawn from the electorate to run against the incumbent, and the winner chooses a policy outcome in a one-dimensional issue space.
One theorem is that there exists an equilibrium in which the median voter is decisive: an incumbent wins re-election if and only if his most recent policy choice gives the median voter a payoff at least as high as he would expect from a challenger. The equilibrium is symmetric, stationary, and the behavior of voters is consistent with both retrospective and prospective voting. A second theorem is that, in fact, it is the only equilibrium possessing the latter four conditions — decisiveness of the median voter is implied by them.
The analysis looks at the evolution of the post-communist vote, the growing electoral abstention, the volatility of the vote, and the fragmentation of parliamentary representation resulting from the break-up of the parties and the dissipation of the vote. The loyalty of the big national minorities to their respective parties is emphasised in fact, they are the only loyal voters , and the article examines the difficulties of public opinion polls in forecasting electoral behaviour in the countries concerned.
The article ends with a comparison between the political effects of the first free parliamentary elections in Central and Eastern Europe, on the one hand, and in Latin American and South European countries, on the other. Hungary is the only exception, being the only country where the same parties were found in the first and the second parliaments. A common format is adopted throughout, dealing with explanations of how the system operates and its effects on the political system. In this article, we study the economic and political determinants of European Parliamentary voter turnout in the post-communist countries using a unique region-level clataset.
Our regression results reveal that regional unemployment rates have a statistically significant impact on turnout. Regions with higher unemployment rates experienced lower turnout, even after controlling for political and socio-demographic factors. In contrast to some previous work on the impact of EU support on EP turnout, our study uncovers a positive relationship between these two variables.
Federative Republic of Brazil - A Consensualist Democracy or not?
Further, we show that the timing of the election relative to the next national election and the frequency of elections affected turnout. I consider models of electoral accountability that allow rulers a choice of whether to hold elections and citizens whether to rebel. The convention of an electoral calendar and known rules can provide a public signal for coordinating rebellion if elections are suspended or blatantly rigged, while the elections themselves aggregate private observations of performance.
Two threats to this solution to political moral hazard are considered.
First, a ruling faction that controls the army may prefer to fight after losing an election, and ex post transfers may not be credible. Second, subtle electoral fraud can undermine the threat of coordinated opposition that maintains elections. Ferejohn Author James H.
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The findings of these audits were then made publicly available and disseminated to media sources. Using a data set on corruption constructed from the audit reports, we compare the electoral outcomes of municipalities audited before versus after the elections, with the same levels of reported corruption. Our findings highlight the value of having a more informed electorate and the role played by local media in enhancing political selection.
We use audit reports in Brazil to construct new measures of political corruption in local governments and test whether electoral accountability affects the corruption practices of incumbent politicians. We find significantly less corruption in municipalities where mayors can get reelected.
Mayors with reelection incentives misappropriate 27 percent fewer resources than mayors without reelection incentives. These effects are more pronounced among municipalities with less access to information and where the likelihood of judicial punishment is lower. This identifies two categories of voters, the winners and the losers of reforms.